I occasionally come across yet-another-foundations-of-political-phi
natural rights and plenty of legal rights; your "legal rights" are part of the social compact, and whatever you think those should be are what you and everyone else will struggle to make into legal rights; natural rights are an unnecessary multiplication of philosophical entities. I also don't exactly think in terms of axioms; I think we develop our philosophy by long attempts to reconcile/create/adjust broad principles and our judgement on specific matters, eventually reaching what John Rawls called reflective equilibrium. The broad principles are as close as most people get to axioms, and while they do have creative power in helping us approach new situations, we would adjust them if we didn't like how our judgement turned out and there were a reasonable adjustment that would not destroy too many of our other existing liked judgements.
Some broad principles and structure for my political philosophy, principly on two main topics: property/privilege and norms/centralisation:
First note, I reject any man-on-an-island appeals when approaching political topics. We are not solitary creatures; we are only mentally and physically healthy, and our lives only have meaning, when we are part of a social network with other humans. It does not make sense to think of politics or norms when a person is alone, first because relations and norms are always specific to the society, second because the content of morality is primarily interpersonal; we might consider environmental and artistic matters to potentially be matters of morality, but they are not the main show, and third because anyone in that situation would go insane before too long.
Second note: there are (rough) levels of civilisation and interaction:
*At base, there is power politics, where people directly strive to meet their interests using whatever means they can, including not-exclusively violence. The mark of power politics is a lack of extrapersonal norms dictating results; it is a relation decided by personalities, raw conflict, and few norms
*Second, there are norms based on understood strength, where those with power have the general ability to enforce their ideas on the rest of the population (whatever those ideas are; they may be altruistic), and the meaningful uncertainty in this system is caused by conflicts between the powerful
*Third, there are norms based on societal consensus, where people have individual norms and the sum effect of those norms, mediated by tradition, forms the rules for society. Such a system often but does not always have someone to apply the norms, but such a person is also usually not strictly needed most of the time because most people roughly accept the consensus
*Fourth, there are norms that are abstracted into laws, where the inconsistent application of norms is guarded against through codification into laws and institutions devoted to reasonably impartial application of those laws.
*Property and wealth are kinds of privilege
*Privilege is provisional. This means that it is assigned to people when and where it is in society's interests to do so, and revoked when it is in society's interests to do so
*Society should recognise a spectrum of needs and interests of its members, and attempt to strongly satisfy basic needs of all of its members before allocating resources to privilege.
*The difference between needs and interests is fluid; to the extent that privilege can inspire a useful social end, some additional privilege may be traded for some resources that are spent on those who are not receiving the incentive, but the incentives should be reasonably mild and never deeply impact the health or potential of those who are left out from it
*Privilege must be entirely visible to the body politic, both in terms of the basic structure and in terms of the actual privilege of all members of society. The body politic should have some direct means of adjusting the levels of and qualifications for privilege.
*Stronger forms of necessity justify extralegal reallocation of nonvital privilege - if someone were, for example, require insulin rapidly lest they die, it would be justified to sieze, without use of the law, insulin sufficient to reasonably sustain their life, provided that insulin was not already immediately being used to sustain other life.
*People should prefer legal means to resolve disputes over extralegal/illegal ones, restricting the latter to areas where their interest cannot reasonably be accomodated by legal means and is very strong, knowing that by stepping beyond the bounds of the law they are opening themself to potential legal sanction, and that they are damaging social stability
*Society must permit dissent in the form of words in designated public forums. No lese majeste considerations are permitted.
*Society's general institutions should have some democratic elements which impact laws of personal behaviour.
*Society may establish a topical pale with a strong supermajority in their democratic elements, which limits publication of specified views outside the realm of forums devoted to discussion of the pale. A topical pale may be lifted through some kind of democratic process
Three red lines for society:
*Society must never demand or officially knowingly propogate an untruth in the long-term
*Society must never, under any circumstances, condone torture
*Society must never force someone to continue to live against their will
In all other circumstances, principles may, in principle, be weighed against necessity. (This list of red lines is not necessarily exhaustive, but is not meant to be very large; I have purposefully excluded many things that others would consider to be red lines, but there is a chance I may have forgetten to include things or may become convinced other things should be considered red lines)